In Theory: Nine Degrees of Uncertainty in Negotiations

Joint decision-making processes such as negotiations play a vital role in diverse societal contexts spanning from business and politics to sustainability-related negotiations. One of the most prominent examples of how negotiations play an important role in overcoming societal challenges was the COVID-19 vaccine supply negotiations. These negotiations have put the spotlight on an aspect of joint decision-making that always has been of great interest to both negotiation researchers and practitioners yet remains empirically understudied- the effect of uncertainty. In the present article, we develop a framework of uncertainty in negotiation using the COVID-19 vaccine supply negotiations between the European Union and pharmaceutical companies as an example. More specifically, we categorize different kinds of uncertainty based both on mathematical considerations (i.e., differentiation between risk, ambiguity, and uncertainty) as well as on more circumstantial factors. To do so, we adapted the nine kinds of uncertainty in environmental governance proposed by Dewulf and Biesbroek to the more general context of negotiations. We first differentiate between three natures of uncertainty (i.e., lack of knowledge, unpredictability, and interpretations) and three objects of uncertainty (i.e., issue- based, strategy- based, and context- based). Second, we illustrate the psychological barriers that negotiators face when handling uncertainty, before concluding with proposals for practitioners on how to manage different kinds of uncertainty. Overall, we aim at stimulating investigations of the effects of uncertainty in mixed- motive decision- making while simultaneously helping negotiation teachers and practitioners better cope with the additional demands created by specific kinds of uncertainty.

STATE CAPITALISM: A Comparative And Historical Outlook

States and capitalisms have coevolved and formed contrasted configurations from feudalism to contemporary configurations. Under the same label of state capitalism, economic history exhibits some definite mixes of various components: economic nationalism, public ownership of firms and banks, planning or large public spending, and income redistribution. The French state capitalism variant is one of these configurations. The coordination among public entities from industry to finance, an indicative planning as an anti-uncertainty device and complementary economic policy instruments used to define a rather coherent and dynamic regime. The large opening to European and world competition and the financial deregulation have progressively eroded the performance of this successful modernization. The early twenty-first century evolution raises an intriguing issue: are not the nation-states and the transnational platform capitalism trading place? Governments react to price signals whereas GAFAM exert the strategic leadership in the redeployment of contemporary capitalism. Will the COVID-19 mean a reversal and the revival of various brands of state capitalism? © Oxford University Press 2022.

Indian Act Philanthropy: Why are Community Foundations Missing from Native Communities in Manitoba, Canada?: Revue Canadienne de Recherche sur les OSBL et l'Économie Sociale (ANSERJ)

Un modèle philanthropique axé sur le développement communautaire serait-il en train de renforcer les politiques coloniales plutôt que d'offrir des bénéfices économiques équitables? Cette étude analyse les transcriptions de vingt webinaires publics sur la philanthropie et la Loi sur les Indiens et évalue les 54 fondations communautaires établis au Manitoba, Canada. Ces 54 fondations servent seulement les villes et municipalités des colons-il n'y en a pas une seule dans les communautés autochtones. Comme elles ne desservent que leurs régions géographiques spécifiques, les fondations communautaires au Manitoba concentrent la richesse dans les villes et municipalités dominées par les colons, accaparant des ressources qui pourraient aider les communautés autochtones. Ce modèle philanthropique, en excluant les communautés les plus pauvres du Manitoba, renforce la marginalisation, la pauvreté et les risques de santé dans les communautés autochtones.Alternate :Could a philanthropic model aimed at community development enforce colonial policy rather than providing equitable economic opportunity? This research analyzes the transcripts of 20 public webinars on philanthropy and the Indian Act and maps the 54 community foundations in Manitoba, Canada. All 54 community foundations in Manitoba service only settler-dominated cities and municipalities, with none on Native communities. As community foundations serve only their specific geographical areas, the community foundations in Manitoba effectively concentrate wealth in settler-dominated cities and municipalities, taking away needed resources from Native communities. In excluding the poorest communities in Manitoba, this philanthropic model further entrenches marginalization, poverty, and health risks for Native people on Native communities.

Sending Money Home in Conflict Settings: Revisiting Migrant Remittances

Despite the challenges, remittances frequently remain a primary source of economic support for those left behind, as well as for national development of post-conflict countries. [...]situations in the wake of recent conflicts are known for heightened remittance flows.3 As a large share of the remittance flows in conflict settings occurs through informal channels, the importance of remittances in these economies has often been underestimated. A focus on broader settings that can provide security, justice, and economic sustenance to individuals and communities affected by the crisis has been reflected in the human security approach6 to post-conflict7 development.8 Remittances can be central to fighting poverty—by diversifying household income sources, providing capital for productive investment and facilitating local markets, and funding education, health, and other social expenses.9 Remittances can contribute to post-conflict recovery in the long term. "20 Horst has shown that among the Somali diaspora in Norway, most political engagements do not occur through state institutions but take place on sub-national levels, including individual and group money transfers and certain humanitarian initiatives.21 Somali diaspora members mediate with clan leaders and elders who can contribute to reconciliation processes through customary mechanisms such as compensatory payments, but as noted above, such involvement can also sustain continued warfare.22 While the role of diaspora in post-conflict reconstruction efforts can be significant, diaspora can also remain an "under-utilized resource" whose strong emotional connection to their home country is offset by unstable institutional environments.23 Weak formal institutions and regulatory frameworks may offer little systematic support for entrepreneurship development, which is constrained by high transaction and compliance costs. Informal institutions and cultural attitudes remain important in the post-conflict assimilation of returning migrants who bring with them beliefs and understandings from their countries of settlement, resulting in hybrid norms and institutions.24 Many forcibly displaced and returning migrants may also lack properly transferable professional skills.25 The transfer of social and political remittances does not always signify "diffusion of democracy"—the effects of returning migrants to democratization depend on their experience of political mobilization as migrant workers, as well as on the status of democratic values in the political order of the host country, among other factors.26 Changing perspectives on conflict-affected remittances Remittances became central in the migration scholarship only in the 1990s, when the analytical focus shifted from migration as a result of [End Page 44] decision-making of rational individuals towards a more nuanced view of the role of households, social networks, and community in migration processes.

The politics of Chinese immigrants' double unbelonging and deglobalization

This study theorizes the politics of belonging, drawing on the case of Chinese immigrants. In the heyday of globalization, Chinese immigrants used to enjoy a high degree of transnational mobility and multiple belongings. Now, in the wake of China–West geopolitical contestations and during the time of COVID-19, many Chinese immigrants are experiencing double unbelonging due to marginalization in both the host society and China. By analyzing double unbelonging, this study makes three theoretical contributions. First, it expands the conventional cultural–humanistic framework of belonging to incorporate political analysis. Second, it discusses why and how to replace the positivist approach to belonging as exemplified by acculturation theory with a social constructionist approach to the politics of belonging. Finally, the study theorizes unbelonging—its epistemological advantage, its dialectical relation with belonging, its production by the nation-state and media, and how polarizing geopolitics produce double unbelonging.

Agents of Change? Families, Welfare and Democracy in Mid-to-Late Twentieth-Century Europe

Families have always been vulnerable. They have long been torn apart by the mass migrations of warfare, the oppression of minority groups, the closure of international borders and the refugee crises governed ‘from above'. Families have also always been powerful symbols. Nationalist–populist movements have capitalised on fears about familial decline and liberal democracies have built moralistic views of the family into their welfare systems. Yet, this special issue aims to demonstrate that families have not merely been objects or subjects buffeted by political and social change. Rather, families have also consistently acted as ‘agents of change'. This is not to valorise the family – families have been patriarchal, damaging and oppressive as well as supportive, empowering and caring. However, this is to say that historical work must take ‘the family' seriously as an active participant in shaping historical change.

Russia's Utilization of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Lockdowns, Re-Sovereignization, and Disengagement from the West

This article discusses the challenges that the COVID-19 pandemic poses to the current concepts of globalization, universality of human rights, and the rules-based international order. This article discusses how Russia has used the COVID-19 pandemic to accelerate its move away from Western ideas and institutions so as to solidify the power of its executive branch. In particular, this article examines the Russian Constitutional Court in its dealings with both the 2020 Russian constitutional amendments and the government's lockdown measures. This article concludes that the Russian Constitutional Court-which is supposed to serve as a key guarantor of fundamental rights of citizens against the machinery of the state-is becoming increasingly politicized, which threatens the Court's independence. Russia's desire to strengthen the power of the executive branch, to retreat further into traditional notions of sovereignty, and to move away from international norms and institutions, is not unique. The COVID-19 pandemic has served as a powerful catalyst in magnifying and intensifying the existing divisions in the current international order.

Foreign Healthcare Workers and COVID-19 in Europe: The Paradox of Unemployed Skilled Labour

This report provides an overview of the skilled migrant health workforce and their contribution to health systems in European countries, particularly in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. Migrant workers at all skill levels have worked in key areas during the pandemic. Skilled migrant health workers, particularly medical practitioners and nurses, make up a significant portion of the frontline health workforce and are essential to keeping health systems in developed countries running. While skilled migrants often face fewer hard barriers (entry control policies: visa policy, work permit schemes, labour migration quotas), this workforce faces soft barriers (e.g., lack of recognition of foreign educational credentials and other restrictive or discriminatory measures) in accessing the host nation's labour market, as evidenced during the COVID-19 pandemic. This article explores this phenomenon, focusing on Italy's health sector and foreign health professionals' dynamics. The report concludes by proffering some practical policy recommendations to promote the inclusion of migrant health professionals in the health and social care systems in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Causal Analysis of India's Response to Maritime Security Debate at the UNSC

UNSC debate on the maritime security-initiated discussion on response and reaction plan not only for particular countries and regions overall. The Eastern part of the Indian Ocean (IO) has been a boiling cauldron due to the race of maritime hegemony, maritime alliances for economic cum security dimensions and choking important points of maritime trade in crisis. The outbreak of Covid heavily restricted global supply chains. Security cooperation should focus on 'reassurance' rather than 'deterrence' to create the desired security order in which multilateral frameworks may be formed. In this scenario, security interactions would help nation-states converge their national interests and minimize a zero-sum security situation. UNSC debate on maritime security demands for cooperative security approach through a framework of likeminded states. Pakistan foresees this debate as an increasing challenge by constructing the role of the Pakistan Navy to perform and ensure its capacities for maritime security in the long run. The paper presents the response to Indian Duplicities in the wake of the Russian proposal for maritime security management at UNSC in 2021. Strategic analysis with qualitative research method and exploratory approach is adopted in this research with pertinent and feasible findings.

Vaccine diplomacy: nation branding and China's COVID-19 soft power play

As a global crisis, COVID-19 has altered how nation-states project influence. Public health has risen to the top of every agenda as individuals, societies, and nation-states focus on a common goal. With the advent of COVID-19 vaccines, home-grown national vaccines when distributed all over the world can play an integral role in nation branding as a technique for projecting soft power. This paper applies the theoretical lenses of nation branding and soft power to examine China's bilateral vaccine diplomacy efforts, specifically the motivations and outcomes. The findings suggest that Chinese vaccines are used not only for image repair and for expanding Beijing's great power ambitions, but also to reinforce and leverage existing soft power programs, and to capitalize on new economic and geopolitical opportunities. Vaccine diplomacy is a natural extension of Chinese soft power including prior engagement in health diplomacy. Sentiment analyses of social media and international media coverage suggest that where vaccines go, influence may follow. Although international sentiments are not all positive—with concerns over Chinese vaccines' efficacy, safety, and data availability, Beijing reaped substantial soft power dividends through its ability to project influence in scientific prowess and civic virtue by providing the vaccines as International Public Goods through aid and gifts to countries left behind by the vaccine inequity.

Emerging digital citizenship regimes: Pandemic, algorithmic, liquid, metropolitan, and stateless citizenships

This article develops a conceptual taxonomy of five emerging digital citizenship regimes: (i) the globalised and generalisable regime called pandemic citizenship that clarifies how post-COVID-19 datafication processes have amplified the emergence of four intertwined, non-mutually exclusive, and non-generalisable new techno-politicalised and city-regionalised digital citizenship regimes in certain European nation-states' urban areas;(ii) algorithmic citizenship, which is driven by blockchain and has allowed the implementation of an e-Residency programme in Tallinn;(iii) liquid citizenship, driven by dataism – the deterministic ideology of Big Data – and contested through claims for digital rights in Barcelona and Amsterdam;(iv) metropolitan citizenship, as revindicated in reaction to Brexit and reshuffled through data co-operatives in Cardiff;and (v) stateless citizenship, driven by devolution and reinvigorated through data sovereignty in Barcelona, Glasgow, and Bilbao. This article challenges the existing interpretation of how these emerging digital citizenship regimes together are ubiquitously rescaling the associated spaces/practices of European nation-states.

Serious Adverse Events and Fatal Outcomes Following COVID-19 Vaccination in the UK: Lessons for Other Countries

Vaccines have taken the centre stage in the fight against COVID-19 pandemic, and in reducing hospitalisation and associated mortality. Countries around the world are heavily dependent on the successful rollout of their vaccination programmes to open up the societies and re-start their economies. However, the success of any vaccine programme, to a large extent, depends upon the efficacy and safety of the vaccines. Given that UK has been way ahead in vaccinating its population, is considered a successful model compared to other countries in Europe and elsewhere and has a yellow card reporting system for adverse events, we use UK as an example to understand the side effects and fatal outcomes following vaccinations. Our results show that AstraZeneca seems to be underperforming in terms of overall reporting of minor adverse events, serious incidents and fatal outcomes following vaccination. The risk of serious anaphylactic reaction and fatal outcome was 1.36 and 1.17 times more in case of AstraZeneca vaccine when compared with Pfizer BioNTech vaccine. The analysis has implications for vaccine policies and programmes both at nation-state and global levels.

When Nationalism Encounters the COVID-19 Pandemic: Understanding Chinese Nationalism From Media Use and Media Trust

COVID-19, as a major public health crisis, has triggered nationalism to different degrees all around the world. This study utilises an online survey to explore the relationships between media use, media trust, and nationalism in China during the COVID-19 pandemic. We found that the level of nationalism was still considerably high in China at the time of the pandemic and that the role of the media in nation-state building enterprises remains significant. It becomes more pervasive after the news media's adoption of digitalisation. Our study argues that contemporary China's expression of nationalism is socially constructed by media and rooted in its Chinese Confucian culture. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is increasingly designing the news media and manages social media. It has already successfully constructed a sense of nationalism to facilitate its own interests in response to the national crisis. This has led nationalism being embodied in the media's constructed social reality.

The impact of the Corona crisis on borderland living in the Danish-German border region with a special focus on the two national minorities

In 2020, the Sars-CoV-2 (also known as the COVID-19/Coronavirus) crisis resulted in the closure of most of Europe's borders, both external and internal. What consequences does this have for border regions as living spaces? This article uses the Danish-German border region as an example for the complex impact of the Sars-CoV-2 crisis on a European borderland. A special focus is placed on the region's reciprocal national minorities on either side of the border. This article shows that these groups have been most impacted by the nation state measures of restricting and controlling access across the border, as this has reduced their opportunities of kin-state contact and interaction.

Brexit, COVID-19 and climate change: mapping the impact of the ‘triple challenge' on health and well-being in wales

Brexit, COVID-19 and climate change pose challenges of national and global importance. They continue to have impacts across the economy, society, health, and the environment, all of which are determinants of health and well-being. Between 2018 and 2021, Public Health Wales undertook three Health Impact Assessments (HIA) in relation to the impact of the challenges in Wales. Based on these, work has been carried out to map the synergies across the ‘Triple Challenge'. This paper highlights the commonalities in the impact of the three challenges for Wales, discusses the process carried out, learns from it and proposes actions that can be taken to mitigate harm. Results indicate the three components of the Triple Challenge must not be viewed as separate silos as they have cumulative multi-faceted impacts. This affects some population groups more negatively than others and present a ‘Triple Challenge' to nation states in the UK and Europe. A HIA approach can enable a range of stakeholders to critically view similar challenges not just as single issues but as a holistic whole to mobilise action.

Constitutional Requirements regarding the Restriction of the Exercise of Fundamental Rights during the Pandemic

Following the official recognition, by the World Health Organization (W.H.O.) of the COVID-19 pandemic, nation states have adopted specific measures to prevent infections and combat the pandemic The governments of a large number of states have reacted to the pandemic as a matter of national security;some member countries of the Council of Europe - including Romania have resorted to the right of derogation stipulated by the art. 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

The Indian Democracy (Dichotomy of Hindu- Muslims): From Victorian England to Modi Raj

The world in the 20th century broke the chain of colonization and slavery and has seen the rise of Democracy as the new rule of law. India which was a single nation till the evening of 14th august 1947, eventually carved out into three separate nation states in form of Pakistan, Bangladesh and India itself. This paper attempts to analyses the adoption of democracy as the rule of law in the Indian subcontinent. This article traces the development of the democracy in India from the ashes of the partition to being the world's largest democracy. The beginning of the third decade of the 21st century is marked with the devastating second wave of the coronavirus in India. India being the world's largest functioning democracy has seen the people waiting outside the crematorium with the bodies of their loved ones to lay them on the pyres and on the other hand it also seen the election campaigns and the elections in the coastal state of West Bengal. This raises some serious questions about the functioning of democracy in India. This paper attempts to analyses and understand the Indian democracy from being a demand from the colonial masters to being the world's largest democracy with a crippling public sector and poor performance in the various development indexes. Thus, this article will help the readers to understand that the Indian democracy is just a simple flawed version of the democracy borrowed from the Victorian England or it is just a myth.

Crisis of Multilateralism and Cities’ Helping Hand

This essay shows how cities are stepping into the role of nation-states and are efficiently cooperating with other cities, not only bilaterally but also multilaterally. There are clear symptoms of the crisis of multilateralism that have led cities to attempt to save or fix the multilateral system and solve global problems, notably the current COVID-19 pandemic. Can cities be regarded as a helping hand or as a fix for the multilateral system? With discourse analysis and formal-legal analysis, this article concludes that the answer to the question is positive – cities may help to fix or save the multilateral system.

Infrastructuring Authoritarian Power Arab Gulf-Chinese Transregional Collaboration beyond the State

[...]we scrutinise the functioning of infrastructures as a tool for exerting and stabilising authoritarian power. [...]we speak to and seek to enhance literatures on authoritarian power and neoliberalism (Glasius 2018a, 2018b;Bogaert 2018;Bruff / Tansel 2019;Hasenkamp 2020;Zuboff 2019). [...]we build on critical research on infrastructure and logistics (Cowen 2014, Chua 2018, Khalili 2018, Ziadah 2019, Apostolopoulou 2020), which we understand as simultaneously enabling the circulation of goods and capital, as well as reinforcing containment and facilitating new forms of managing and repressing public discontent. [...]we look at the role of logistics and infrastructure for authoritarian entanglements beyond the state level through the lens of a global crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic.